That's- ל ראוד חולשמ
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T h a t ' s A l l F o l k s 2010 - Page no. 4 |
of electing a young and photogenic Prime Minister. Just as in the terms of Bibi Netanyahu and Barak, now too, the youthful forces which captured the leadership, Silvan Shalom and now Avraham Durk, were inexperienced and were being led by the nose by the older, sharper politicians. As the State of Israel progressed from one government crisis to another, the grumbling of the productive secular population grew louder, and the disparities between the productive sectors and the parasitical sectors of the country and the various classes in the nation, increased and became extreme. The tax burden did not ease, the high-tech companies began to drift away, drawing tens of thousand of active citizens overseas, most of them young people, who contributed and participated in the community. The weaker populations became accustomed to living at the expense of the public coffers, and the religious parties, which swelled their ranks from election to election, joined each time by hundreds of thousands of voters tired of being on the exploited side of the map, took more and more chunks out of the government budgets. Immigration halted almost completely. Tax evasion became a norm, even a status symbol in certain circles. At the same time, the foreign workers in Israel multiplied, their numbers reaching almost a million. Simultaneously, Israelis were forbidden from employing Palestinians from the State of Palestine, which was caged in the Gaza Strip and on the West Bank, with no way out. Ostensibly, it seemed that the situation after the war was won would lead to positive changes in Israeli society, but in fact, matters became only more and more complex. The class war in Israeli society became uglier, intolerant and unmerciful, and only further entangled the country. The country's secular citizens felt that the situation could no longer be tolerated. The left-wing Meretz party argued that the Palestinians should be given hope and that they should be assisted by becoming a part of the Israeli economy. However, both the Israeli right-wing parties and the Labor party rejected this idea, in light of past experience. "We shall not return", thus Avraham Durk, "to the dark days in which we provided them work in the morning and they attacked us at night". In response, the leader of Meretz cruelly retaliated by saying "This man has no God". In light of this, it was no surprise that the sounds of swords being whetted began to again be heard in the defeated Palestinian state, in Syria, Iran and Iraq, which despite the heavy blows that it sustained, managed to ultimately prevent the establishment of a Kurdish state in its northern region. In the State of Israel after the war, there was no one to lend a hand to the young Palestinian state. At the same time, in the trounced Palestinian state, events began to heat up. Instead of Arafat, who passed away at the end of the war, Marwan Barghouti took power. The overtaking of power was accompanied by a minor revolution among the top echelons, and by a brief outbreak of violence which was mostly camouflaged by the Palestinian and Israeli press. There were a number of assassinations of key Arafat people due to the alliance between Marwan Barghouti, Jibril Rajub and Muhammad Dahlan. Thus they formed a trio of young leaders for the State of Palestine, pushing aside the old guard. Israel did not ensure the disarmament of the Palestinian state at the end of the battles. Despite Sharon's ultimatum to Arafat, the declared intentions of the State of Israel to do this unpleasant work at the end of the war, evaporated. The left grew alarmed and tried to prevent the disarming of the Palestinian state and indeed, under Knesset pressure, many Knesset members shied away from this move, despite the fact that they knew that after the war they had a unique opportunity to do so, with minimal violence. Indeed, the extreme right-wing leaders, Gandi and Avigdor Lieberman placed the subject on the government agenda, but the Government of the State of Israel avoided entering the Autonomy territories and "sweeping the field". Avigdor Lieberman spoke at the Knesset podium and cried out: "If you don't go in today to take the weapons from the Palestinians, you will have not solved the problem, and in a few short years, we will again be in a state of war!" The Arab Knesset members lost control in the assembly, and many ushers were required in order to remove them from the hall. On the other hand, Israel seized the Palestinians in an iron grip, and made sure that terrorism would not rear its head. Although there were still acts of terror, here and there, each time the State of Israel tightened the supervision over the Palestinians, imposed edicts in the "carrot and stick" method, forcing the Palestinian government to combat terror in order to avoid severe economic sanctions, which would have been especially upsetting for the Palestinians. Seemingly without notice, the skies of the Middle East began to grow dark again, and in a matter of several years, Israel was again faced with the possibility of an overall war in the region. That's all folks |
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